Tag Archives: harvard university press

Just Around Midnight

midn

Just Around Midnight –
Rock and Roll and the Racial Imagination
By Jack Hamilton
Harvard University Press – £23.95

     Hendrix’s race produced a crisis in popular-music discourse. He presented a mix of stereotype and subversion, seemingly playing to racist cliches of black menace and sexuality while performing music that contradicted contemporary expectations of black sound. One of the most common accusations lobbed at Hendrix in this period was that of racial inauthenticity, or even race treachery. After Monterey a young Robert Christagau wrote a scathing appraisal of Hendrix’s performance in the pages of Esquire, describing Hendrix as ”terrible” and accusing him of being ”just an Uncle Tom” who ”had tailored a caricature to [the audience’s] mythic standards and apparently didn’t even overdo it a shade.”

    In early 1968 the Washington Post wrote that ”Jimi Hendrix is the P. T. Barnum of rock. He assesses, and fills, the needs of his crowd. His blackness is an Uncle Tom blackness.” The article also noted that ”it is entirely necessary, in fact, that Hendrix is a Negro. His music is Chuck Berry filtered through the Beatles and the West Coast electronic freak-out, back through a black man to a 99 per cent white audience,” a sentiment conveyed more caustically by Richard Goldstein, who remarked in his own review of Hendrix’s Monterey performance: ”his major asset seems to be his hue.” Rolling Stone magazine eschewed the Uncle Tom epithet but wondered if Hendrix was simply a ”psychedelic superspade.” Never one to be outdone, in a New York magazine article entitled ”SuperSpade Raises Atlantis,” Albert Goldman mused on what he saw as Hendrix’s preference of ”playing to almost exclusively white audiences” and”consorting with white women” and concluded that ”Hendrix’s blackness is only skin deep.”

                                                            (‘House Burning Down –
                                                            Race, Writing, and Jimi Hendrix’s War’)

Looking back to the time when music journalism and rock criticism in general came into its own around the mid to late sixties, it’s surprisingly shocking, if not down right disturbing, to comprehend the degree to which certain writers were both degrading and openly racist toward black American artists.

Jimi Hendrix (and Motown’s Berry Gordy) in particular, as the above opening quotes from this book’s eye-opening fifth chapter more than sadly illuminates. That the writers themselves (Robert Christgau, Richard Goldstein and Albert Goldman) are white, should come as no surprise; although what is astounding, is the fact that said publications would openly be seen to print such abominable garbage.

Who on earth was/is Christagau to talk of ‘caricature’ and WRONGLY accuse Hendrix of being ”just an Uncle Tom?” As for the appalling Albert Goldman – he who was ”never one to be outdone”- well I’m not even going to bother wasting my or your time.

That said, Just Around Midnight – Rock and Roll and the Racial Imagination is an unquestionably marvellous and rather brilliant book. Apart from being exceedingly well-written, it’s audacious and courageous, not to mention racially charged.

Making it all the more important.

Important, in that it places Jack Hamilton’s work amid so much of the equally charged trajectory of the American psyche into current, questionable perspective. An altogether torrid state of affairs admittedly, but as Emily Lordi of the University of Massachusetts has since said of these 276 pages (excluding Notes, Acknowledgements and Index): ”As musically detailed as it is theoretically expansive, Just Around Midnight reveals that popular music of the 1960s was defined by more vibrant inter-racial collaborations and more violent anti-black erasures than we could have imagined. This is a beautifully written and provocatively argued work of intellect, heart, and soul.”

I couldn’t agree more.
A terrific, all round astonishing and revalatory read.

David Marx

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The Good Occupation

occupation

The Good Occupation –
American Soldiers and the Hazards of Peace
By Susan L. Carruthers
Harvard University Press – £22.95

No wonder, then, that uniformed Americans sometimes insisted that ”winning the peace” was harder than winning the war. Postwar reconstruction required greater finesse than the wartime work of destruction. Governing took more skill, patience, and insight than did killing. It was tougher, many officers averred, to discipline one’s emotions in peacetime than to keep the enemy in one’s sights in combat; harder to keep hatred properly directed, and harder to know whom to trust. Telling who was on which side was no easy business when individual identities, like uniforms, were so readily switched in the chaotic aftermath of war […].

                                                                                 (The Troublesome ”O Word”’)

Apart from the inevitable turmoil, grief and all round chaos, one can only imagine the logistical nightmare that must have beset the American forces immediately after the Second World War.

By any of today’s standards, not to mention the then potential for complete and completely out-of-control mayhem, it ought hardly be surprising that The Good Occupation – American Soldiers and the Hazards of Peace makes for fascinating, although not particularly coruscating reading.

Each of its eight chapters illuminates the vast interior life of the U.S. occupiers throughout both Europe and Asia. An occupation, which in turn, invariably came to highlight ”the way military governance came to be imagined as a form of altruism” (Mary L Dudziak, author of War Time: An Idea, Its History, Its Consequences).

Indeed, a tiny tip of the literary iceberg is ever so marginally brought to bear in this book’s fifth chapter ‘Displaced and Displeased Persons,’ where authoress, Susan L. Carruthers, authoritatively writes: ”In Japan and Germany, U.S. Occupation authorities hastily rearmed the police forces of their former foes, in large part to tackle looting and clandestine trade by, or ascribed to, DPs (Displaced Persons) or minority populations. In both countries, American and local officials were united in their growing concern over black market activity. And those same ”outgroups” were vilified as the major participants in illicit economic trade, although black market activity was pervasive – among occupiers, occupied, and displaced alike.”

What an absolutely shocking scenario, albeit an utter understandable one.

That ”occupiers, occupied, and displaced alike” were responsible for (perhaps) inadvertently creating the predominantly economic chaos in the first place – as well as possibly prolonging it – can, to a great degree, surely be placed upon the shoulders of brute, human nature?

In the book’s penultimate chapter, ‘Getting without Spending,’ and in direct relation to Europe, such behaviour which faced the American forces is once again brought to bear, when Carruthers bequeaths the reader with the following: ”Popular culture reinforced this impression of tawdriness, conjuring a twilight zone of shadowy transactions in fittingly monochromatic tones. The black-market milieu called for innumerable shades of grey, and racketeering formed a staple fixture of noirish representation of occupied Europe […].”

To the point and very concisely written, The Good Occupation is as revelatory as it is informative. The author has done exceptionally well to convey such a subject as that drenched within the quintessential quagmire of such human frailty.

David Marx

The War Within

war

The War Within –
Diaries From The Siege Of Leningrad
By Alexis Peri
Harvard University Press – £23.95

Surely, the only instance one can akin to the methodically mortifying siege of Leningrad – in recent times at least – is Sarajevo.

Having initially been besieged by the forces of the Yugoslav People’s Army on 5 April 1992, the capital of Bosnia and Herzegovina continued to lie in siege before the very eyes of the world might I add, by the Army of Republika Srpska until 29 February 1996. A total of 1,425 days; which, in the big scheme of things (such as radio, television and media) still baffles me to this very day.

How could a modern, cosmopolitan European city – a mere hour and a half away from Paris by plane – have been allowed to suffer, day after day after day, to the appalling degree that it did?

Did the world not learn anything from Leningrad blockade?

An epic disaster, which the historian, John Barber, has since described as ”the greatest demographic catastrophe ever experienced by one city in the history of mankind.”

A blockade of humanity, that already on page four of this altogether groundbreaking study, The War Within – Diaries From The Siege Of Leningrad, paints a picture of the most harrowing persuasion: ”The Leningrad blockade was one of the most horrific events of world War II. The city was a centrepiece of a 1,127-day battle and an 872 day siege. That siege, which lasted from September 1941 to January 1944, was one of the lengthiest and deadliest of the modern era. All told, the battle for Leningrad took between 1.6 and 2 million Soviet lives, including roughly 800,000 civilians or 40 percent of the city’s pre-war population. This staggering death toll is about equal to the total number of American military who died in all wars between 1776 and 1975 […]. Most civilians died of starvation, but tens of thousands perished from enemy fire and disease.”

Other than making for rather depressing reading, what is interesting in the above is some of the terminology of language used; where authoress, Alexis Peri, declines to describe the Leningrad blockade as one of the most horrific battles of World War II, but rather, one of the most horrific events. A terminology, which to all historical intents and academic purposes, is fundamentally spot on.

The Siege of Leningrad was indeed an event.
An event, that like the Holocaust, was so profoundly cruel and calculated, if not utterly sadistic, it continues to remain almost impossible to fathom.
If not the actual manifestation of the catastrophe itself, then that of the behaviour it allowed.

A psychological quality upon which Peri shines a great deal of literary light throughout. For instance, in chapter four (‘Family Life and Strife’), she captures perfectly, the self-confessed trauma of the schoolboy, Iura Riabinkin:

”Two days ago I was sent out to get sweets. It was bad enough that instead of sweets I bought sweetened cocoa (counting on Ira not wanting to eat it and so increasing my share), but also that I helped myself to half of the total amount – a miserable 600 grams that is supposed to last us for the whole ten days – and invented a story about how three packets of cocoa had been snatched from my hands. I acted out the whole comedy at home with tears in my eyes, and I gave Mother my word of honour as a Pioneer that I have not taken a single packet of cocoa for myself… and later on, watching with a hardened heart mother’s tears and distress at being deprived of something sweet, I ate the cocoa surreptitiously.

[…]I have slid down into the abyss called depravity, where the voice of conscience is totally silent, where there is dishonesty and disgrace. I am an unworthy son to my mother and an unworthy brother to my sister. I am an egoist, a person who, in a moment of adversity. forgets all about his nearest and dearest […]. I am a ruined person. Life is over for me. The prospect that lies ahead of me is not life.”

Could you ever imagine writing such words?
Let alone writing such words for others to read in a diary?

As the authoress of Lenin Lives!, Nina Tumarkin has since stated, these 252 pages (excluding Notes, Selected Bibliography, Acknowledgements, Illustration Credits and Index) are: ”Vivid, true, and magnificently crafted. Peri has peeled away layer after layer of the human record to its core – physical, mental, spiritual.”

Indeed she has.
What’s more, as mentioned earlier, The War Within is a groundbreaking study. The sort of which, questions the very nature of human nature. It inadvertently asks how we might behave under similar circumstances.

Luckily, we haven’t, and hopefully never will be in a position to find out.

Apart from gazing at the collection of black and white, poignant photographs herein, the closest any of us will ever get (is again, luckily), reading this exceedingly nuanced, majestic and very important book – wherein Alexis Peri has without doubt, fulfilled a literary quest of the most revelatory, regal design.

Simply brilliant.

David Marx

The Taming Of Free Speech

speech

The Taming Of Free Speech –
America’s Civil Liberties Compromise
By Laura Weinrib
Harvard University Press – £33.95

When civil liberty becomes wholly compartmentalised and chartered as if a cheap and convenient package holiday, one ought to intrinsically know that dark clouds will eventually emerge.
Not by chance.
Not as if deemed there were ever a choice.
Not unless one were to contend with the recent hurdy-gurdy drone of contemptuous, spurious, US inflicted denial thereof. In other words, the bonhomie of Washington’s brazen eradication from that of its own written constitution.

So roll over Thomas Jefferson and tell Donald Trump the news: read this book. Read it at your peril.

Indeed, embrace The Taming Of Free Speech – America’s Civil Liberties Compromise for all it’s worth; as within its eight chapters, authoress Laura Weinrib subliminally invites America’s current administration, to grapple with the gauntlet of its own, high-octane induced folly. The triggered trajectory of which, all but the most inflammatory assistance of the President’s (current) Chief Strategist, Steve Bannon; continues to openly condone America’s roller-coaster of ride of complicit division. The constitutionally decided upon mandate, or so we’re told, whereby nationalism – that all permissive illness inherited from only God knows where – is now allowed to run amok with all the unqualified persistence that only rabid blind faith entails.

Presumably, Kellyanne Conway, ye unleashed Rottweiler of America’s buzzing news networks, would wholeheartedly disagree; but then she probably hasn’t yet gotten round to reading: ”the story of how the radical vision of civil liberties was born and how, very quickly it transformed.” Of how ”at its centre is the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), which framed popular and judicial understandings of civil liberties during the interwar period and after.”

It’s hard to imagine Conway and her ilk even having heard of ACLU and that which it represents; all the more reason these 328 pages (excluding Abbreviations, Notes, Acknowledgements and Index) are to be nurtured as if a mode of historical, behavioural instruction: ”[…] historians have long recognized the central role of anti-Red repression in the early annals of free speech, and they have underscored the labour leanings of early civil liberties advocates. Yet most have treated such connections as incidental to, even incongruous with, the underlying civil liberties project. With the modern First Amendment as their benchmark, they have regarded the radicalism of the civil liberties leadership as an impetus for attacking sedition laws or a precursor to a principled speech-protective position: a galvanizing source of outrage over viewpoint discrimination and selective enforcement, but ultimately a bias to be expunged, not an independent motivating vision. Perhaps as a consequence, the dominant literature on the interwar ascendance of expressive freedom has not adequately explained why or how the modern understanding of civil liberties triumphed.”

The key word here being ‘triumphed,’ which partially explains why if nothing else, this book is capable of packing a mighty elongated punch, right into the face of Trump’s very own misconceived trump-card. Namely that of free speech itself – from whoever, from wherever – will not prevail.
Suffice to say, he’s wrong.
And in time, all those myopic, perhaps horribly misguided rust-belt voters with a penchant for the easy way out, will realise as much.

So too, hopefully, will the President’s prime Brexit compadres, Nigel Farage, Michael Gove and to a lesser degree, Theresa May herself.
All of three of whom are at the moment, embarrassingly vying for the big man’s attention.
As if the current cull of Rule, Britannia, weren’t enough.
As if a menagerie of Britain’s lionised lambs ever had it in them to actually know any better.
As if unconditionally led into the epoch of the country’s own disparaging, pending slaughter – ever ”more dreadful from each foreign stroke.” A lullaby of sorts, which, unbeknown to all but the most wizened electorate of sanctified democracy minus free speech, has now been unduly lulled unto a vicious knee-jerk reaction of vainglorious, hateful countenance.

To which many have already pronounced: let the vengeance commence, despite the fact that in: ”in the early decades of the twentieth century, business leaders condemned civil liberties as masks for subversive activity, while labour sympathizers denounced the courts as shills for industrial interests […]. As self-proclaimed partisans in the class war, the founders of the American Civil Liberties Union promoted a bold vision of free speech that encompassed unrestricted picketing and boycotts. Over time, however, they subdued their rhetoric to attract adherents and prevail in court […]. Conversely, conservatives eager to insulate industry from government regulation pivoted to embrace civil liberties, despite their radical roots. The resulting transformation in constitutional jurisprudence – often understood as a triumph for the Left – was in fact a calculated bargain.”

A bargain, surely worth it’s weight within the fine parameters of free- speech-actuated gold?

With such chapter headings as ‘Freedom of Speech in Class War Time,’ ‘The Citadel of Civil Liberty,’ ‘The Right of Agitation,’ ‘Old Left, New Rights,’ ‘The Civil Liberties Consensus’ and ‘Free Speech of Fair Labour,’ The Taming Of Free Speech – America’s Civil Liberties Compromise is an overtly bold and authoritative account of the history of free speech in America. Its assimilation thereof, might in some quarters be considered a little too dense, perhaps a little too dry for its own good; but given Weinrib’s acute account of what is clearly a complex subject, this is by the by.

As Mark Tushnet of Harvard Law School substantiates: ”Weinrib’s important reconstruction of the history of our notions of free expression shows how an idea first offered on behalf of labour radicals became transformed into a general account of why all dissent from the conventional should be protected.”

All in all, a major contribution to civil liberties; especially right now – in 2017.

David Marx

From The War On Poverty to the War on Crime

poverty

From The War On Poverty to the War on Crime – The Making of Mass Incarceration in America
By Elizabeth Hinton
Harvard University Press – £22.95

One cannot help but wonder how America’s new president, Donald of Trump Towers, would react to this book. A thought, to which all intents and perpetual purposes of incarceration, is a mode of impossible and inexorable practice, set in place some fifty years ago by President Lyndon Johnson.

Known as the ”War on Crime,” lest it be said that prison cells, unlawful arrest and law enforcement agencies have, for said time period, functioned as the ”central engine of American inequality.” Inequality, being the key word here, as one need look no further than what is happening in the United States right now. In 2017.

A country where one in every thirty-one adults is under some form of penal control, including one in eleven African American men.

It does indeed make one wonder how the supposed land of the free can boast of being the world’s largest prison system; especially when one takes into account that it has more wealth, more oil, more cars, more food-stocks, indeed, more of everything than anywhere else in the world.

Including more guns. And THEREIN lies the fundamental answer to a problem that is clearly out of control.

Out of control, because many would also agree with regards the trajectorial caveat, that America has more than its fair share of stupid people – many of whom buy the guns. Yet, perhaps more importantly still: the country is inundated with greed.

More greed than anywhere you care to name. Not to mention division, whereby most white people automatically receive a far, far bigger share of the pie when compared to their African American compatriots. So it’s hardly surprising the country has more people locked up than any other nation; less surprising still that there are more African Americans in jail than any other racial group. A social breakdown upon which From The War On Poverty to the War on Crime – The Making of Mass Incarceration in America sheds an abundance of clear and refreshing light.

For instance, in the chapter ‘The War On Black Poverty,’ Elizabeth Hinton writes: ”Declining job prospects for African Americans during the second half of the twentieth century exacerbated segregation and poverty in the neighbourhoods where displaced southern agricultural workers congregated. As 2 million white residents left cities for suburban areas, 1.5 million black Americans migrated to industrial centres in the North and West, joined by Latinos and white Appalachians, and moved into the neighbourhoods previously occupied by European immigrants and their children. By the early 1960s, 31 percent of African Americans lived in twelve northern cities, their living conditions characterized by the isolation, marginalization, and exclusion that stemmed from segregation.”

Segregation: a social stasis that throughout these nine chapters, is comprehensively addressed time again as being the most fundamental problem in American society today.
As well as yesterday.
A problem it would seem, that has, and continues to be shamefully exacerbated by society at large and Washington’s domestic policy: ”Under Richard Nixon and his successors, welfare programmes fell by the wayside while investment in policing and punishment expanded. Anticipating future crime, policymakers urged states to build new prisons and introduced law enforcement measures into urban schools and public housing, turning neighbourhoods into targets of police surveillance.

By the 1980s, crime control and incarceration dominated national responses to poverty and inequality. The initiatives of that decade were less a sharp departure than the full realisation of the punitive transformation of urban policy implemented by Republicans and Democrats alike since the 1960s.”

These 340 pages (excluding comprehensive Notes, Acknowledgements and Index), alert us to a problem that has been going on for far too long. So long in fact, it may well end up destroying America. Although it does seem as if Donald Trump is already doing quite well on that score – without any outside assistance whatsoever.

As author of The Silent Majority: Suburban Politics in the Sunbelt South, Matthew Lassiter has said, this is: ”an outstanding book – clear, compelling, and essential. Hinton excavates the deep roots of police militarisation, surveillance of minority communities, and the punitive shift in urban policy. Her argument that liberals were key architects of the war on crime is a necessary and even urgent corrective to conventional thinking about mass incarceration.”

So take note Messrs. Trump and Pence, and add this very fine book to your ever increasing stack of necessary, bedtime reading.

David Marx

Before Auschwitz

auschwitz

Before Auschwitz –
Jewish Prisoners In The Prewar Concentration Camps
By Kim Wunschmann
Harvard University Press – £33.95

So tomorrow, January 20th, we have President (elect) Donald Trump to look forward to.

He, whose parents were members of America’s Klu Klux Klan organisation, will enter what has to be the most powerful office in the world. An ever increasing, wayward world might I add, in which tyrants and terrorists, deprivation and division, continue to make headlines; while those who kneel at the alter of hedge-fund hypocrisy, continue to succeed in keeping it that way.

It’s as if the populace of the so-called intelligent species, has learnt absolutely nothing.
Nada.
Nic.

Nic that is, other than:
a) wholeheartedly know how to turn away when someone else is in need (as in the cold, blooded murder of the MP, Jo Cox – who, as she lay on the ground being to stabbed to death, hordes of people did absolutely nothing because they far were too busy filming her murder on their mobile phones)
and
b) wholeheartedly embrace the dictum: what’s in it for me?

Just two exceedingly valid reasons why people need to at least be made aware of January 27th, Holocaust Memorial Day, to comprehend an iota of where blatant ignorance can lead. In a word, Trump., in anther word., ISIS., in another (chilling yet infamous) word, Auschwitz.

The world would indeed be wise to take note of Before Auschwitz – Jewish Prisoners In The Prewar Concentration Camps, which pioneers the formulaic and prerequisite ideological stance of nationally condoned suffering, barbarity and murder.

The book’s six chapters, Introduction and Conclusion, compellingly unearths the little-known origins of the concentration camp system in the years leading up to the Second World War, and reveals the instrumental role of these extralegal detention centres in the development of Nazi policies towards Jews (and its eventual plans to create a racially pure Third Reich): ”First of all, a historical study of the imprisonment of Jews before 1939 demands an understanding of the period in its own right. The concentration camps of the pre-war era were different from the wartime camps. They had different forms and different functions. Simply to place them into a seemingly linear development of Nazi anti-Jewish policy […] would miss the particularity of the pre-war period. The development that ultimately culminated in genocide on an unprecedented scale was neither preordained nor the direct result of a single man’s long-standing fantasies. Karl Schleunes’s concept of ”the twisted road to Auschwitz” is more apposite, helping us to grasp a process of gradual development in response to outside influences and internal power rivalries, a process that, at each stage, might have pointed to a different destination.”

A different destination indeed, which, from the relative comfort of hindsight, is all too easy say, come to terms with, and ultimately assimilate. But these 235 pages (not including Appendix: SS Ranks and U.S. Army Equivalents, Abbreviations, Notes, Bibliography, Acknowledgements and Index) really ought to shunt hindsight unto the Rose Garden of The White House – for all the world’s media to witness on a regular basis.

If not the Oval Office itself, although, knowing Trump, he’d probably deny the fact that The Holocaust ever took place.

In investigating more than a dozen camps, from Dachau, Buchenwald and Sachsenhausen to less familiar sites, authoress Kim Wunschmann uncovers a process of terror designed to identify and isolate German Jews, primarily from 1933 to 1939. During this period, shocking accounts of camp life filtered through to the German population, sending the preposterous message that Jews were different from true Germans: they were portrayed as dangerous to associate with and fair game for barbaric acts of intimidation and violence.

The latter of which is rather like Brexit’s reaction to non-Englanders, only on a far bigger, far more criminal level. But hey, it’s still early days.
And tomorrow we have Trump, to look forward to.

As Robert Gellately, author of Stalin’s Curse: Battling for Communism in War and Cold War has written, Before Auschwitz is ”an impressive, well-written study of a little-known chapter in the persecution of the Jews in Nazi Germany. Wunschmann has carried out prodigious archival research, unearthing all kinds of interesting and troubling material, particularly on the fate of Jewish citizens who were sent to the camps without trial and held without rights in what the police euphemistically called ‘protective custody.’ Her book will certainly find a wide readership.”

Here’s hoping it will, because it’s outwardly brave, memorably brazen and overtly bodacious.

David Marx

The Great Convergence

convergance

The Great Convergence –
Information Technology and the New Globalization
By Richard Baldwin
Belknap Harvard University Press – £22.95

”Despite the best efforts of the smartest humans, no one has found a way to know the future. This ineluctable fact has caused many thinkers to shy away from making predictions. As the Confucian poet Lao Tzu put it: ”Those who have knowledge, don’t predict. Those who predict, don’t have knowledge.”

But this is wrong headed. We have a duty to think hard about what may be so as to better prepare society for the changes that may come. As Henri Poincare wrote in The Foundations of Science, ”It is far better to foresee even without certainty than not to foresee at all.” Following his wise words […]., my guess is that the changes will be radical and disruptive.”

                                                                                        (‘Looking Ahead’)

If the corrosive events of the last week in America are anything to go by, economist Richard Baldwin is absolutely, stunningly (yet unfortunately) correct. That said, this book does endeavour to change the way we think about globalization – rather than the future of humanity.

To be sure, other than having taken a colossal leap forward in the early 1800s (when steam power and a period of global peace lowered the costs of moving goods); it ought to perhaps be emphasised that globalization underwent a revolutionary change in communication technology during the 1990s. The result of which fundamentally altered globalization forever, which Baldwin – both commendably and logically – tackles head-on throughout The Great Convergence – Information Technology and the New Globalization.

A book, that so far as a road-map for readers is concerned, is augmented with a helpful array of charts and graphs, and has also been written in five prime parts: ‘The Long History of Globalization in Short,’ ‘Extending the Globalization Narrative,’ ‘Understanding Globalization’s Changes,’ ‘Why It Matters’ and ‘Looking Ahead’ (quoted above).

Indeed, these 301 pages (excluding Notes, Acknowledgements and Index) should, as Jeffrey G. Williamson of Harvard University describes it: ”change the way we think about globalization. There have been two big globalization booms over the past two centuries. The first caused divergence between rich and poor nations while the second, since the 1970s, has caused convergence. With elegance, economist Richard Baldwin tells us why.”

It’s understandable as to why Williamson should think this; Baldwin is after all, Professor of International Economics at the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva, and Director of the Centre for Economics Policy Research (CEPR) in London.

So in all, it’s hard to disagree with almost anything that’s written herein.
­
What is important or at stake however, is essentially coming to terms with the validity of the book’s dense, yet economically idiosyncratic information. Simply because it is technological change and fragmentation that (now) stands at the vanguard of globalization. The ultimate impact of which is more sudden and selective.

And, dare I say it, more unpredictable and uncontrollable; although the history of initial/factual globalization is far more predictable. The following of which, will no doubt be much to the chagrin of the recently elected white supremacist, soon to be American President, Donald Trump: ”Modern humans appeared about 200 millennia ago in Africa. As the population rose and fell, the search for additional food expanded and contracted humanity’s geographic range. For seventy-five millennia or so, this consumption-moving-to-production happened only in Africa.”

Suck on that Trump….

David Marx